On a rock in the middle of the remote region of Rolpa district in Western Nepal, is written with white paint a Maoist saying: “To rebel is a people’s right”. This sentence alone defines the nature of the Maoist rebellion, a fight which has been raging for ten years now. Since February 13 1996, the Royal Nepalese government has been interlocked in fighting against a foe who finds its strength not in its allies but rather in its ability to adapt to new situations, and a devout and politicize core of fighters and local sympathizers. The Maoists have been able to rise from a small and local rebellion to a national threat for the Royal government. They operate in most of the countryside, in 68 of the 75 national districts, ambushing, influencing locals and killing army soldiers and policemen. Their progress in military and political affairs has been very gradual, but also constant in part due to a thorough and patient manipulation of the population. However, in order to fully understand the rise of violence in a country known for its peaceful past, we need to explain its past.

The rise of the Maoist movement is not a new phenomenon in Nepal; it finds its roots in the early political trends of India in the late 40’s, where communism was becoming significant.

In February 1959, the Nepalese elected the first democratic parliament, with Prime Minister Koirala at the head. He took the necessary steps to lead his country towards a more modern and competitive direction: education became free, and an embryonic welfare system was put in place. Nepal was becoming a stable and prosperous country.

Unfortunately laws rarely change mentalities. Nepal is a country riddled with an ancient social apparatus, which defines very clearly social status between for instance the rich Brahman, and the poor Dalit cast. Each cast has a specific place in Nepali society, negating any social change or opportunities for the poorest. The rich classes, often landowners, saw Koirala’s reforms as a threat to their wealth of political power and convinced the king Mahendra to dissolve the new government.

On December 15 1962, the king did exactly that, and retained full power for himself. Nepal was once more a dictatorship. A few days later he proclaimed the creation of the “system Panchayat” (a supposedly democratic dictatorship), which does not allow for the creation of new political parties within the government. It is then that the Maoist movement took shape to balance the political power in Nepal.

Explore the Roots of Maoism
by Zach Mason and Zach Lown

The Nepali Maoists took their influence from their Indian Kin, who were themselves heavily influenced by the Leninist/Marxist movements of the 1920’s (Maoism is a form of communism developed in China by Mao Zedong). Between 1962 and 1990, a quiet revolution took shape in Western Nepal, organizing their political branch, refining their propaganda skills directed towards the local population. By early 1990 the Maoists leaders were ready to expand their political and military agenda. On January 15th 1990, the political branch reunited to create the CPN. In November 1994, with the parliamentary elections, the CPN gets enough seats to enter the government. The communist Man Mohan Adhikari becomes prime minister; a great victory for the Maoists. Indeed, with a firm base in the government, the Maoists now are able to activate the second phase of their agenda.

For the Maoists, a popular revolution is necessary to cleanse the country from a corrupted Royal government, which has been trying to erase most individual rights. In September 1995, a vast propaganda campaign was launched in Western Terai, in the form of political meetings, meant to inform, but specifically to influence the locals in their choice of political preferences. The Congress party, the main political group in the Nepali government, did not approve and maneuvered to counter this new threat. The tension between them and the CPN rose, and the king allowed for a military operation deep inside Maoist areas of the Western Terai. About 200 men from the security forces are deployed near Rolpa district securing the villages near by. The locals, most pro-Maoists but only in political views, are targeted and beaten, sometimes shot, while others are taken away and incarcerated.

This first big operation in Maoist held territory was a complete failure. It succeeded in alienating the local population, which now became more active in the insurgency. This kind of interior policy shows how the Royal government is unwilling to understand or face even the worsening military situation in the country. Their lack of military intelligence also did not predict that the Terai population, which was never fully integrated into modern Nepali society, would feel no loyalty to Royal institution and join the Maoist cause more actively.

With the rise of tensions between the opposing parties, the Maoists leaders activated their third and last part of their grand plan for victory. On February 13, 1996, the three Maoists leaders, Pampha Bhusal, Krishna Bahadur Mahara, and Baburam Bhattarai, exited the government to go underground and start the armed rebellion. The military branch of the CPN is created.

The first few raids are put together, first to give experience of the Maoists fighters, and secondly to capture as many weapons as possible from the Royal Nepalese army and the security forces. The latter being often ill equipped and poorly motivated, soon found themselves in the middle of the fighting. Between 1996 and 2000, dozens of raids were launched on security personnel, killing many in the fighting. On September 25th 2000, one thousand Maoists fighters attack the military camp of Dunai in Western Terai, killing 41 soldiers. This was the first large-scale guerrilla operation since the beginning of the armed conflict, and the army was caught completely by surprise and unable to counter-attack. This operation, marking an important date for the war, dramatically escalated the violence and intensity.

Unprepared to wage such a war, the Royal government sought a peaceful solution and demanded a cease-fire. The Maoists accept. The easily won agreement is not, contrary to popular belief at the time, a victory for the king. The Maoists use the cease-fire to regroup, and reorganize their forces while the government tried to find a peaceful exit to the conflict. The rebels are now stronger than ever, with a 10 thousand man army, better armed, more experienced, motivated with a political and ideological agenda, and now operate from a secure area.

On June 1st 2001, the prince Dipendra killed the entire royal family before turning the weapon on himself. The dead king’s brother, Gyanendra, assumed full control over the Congress party and the rest of the government. People in Kathmandu took to the streets, further destabilizing the government in place.

Maoists infiltrators entered the capital to agitate the locals, while radio communiqués were sent through out the country to convert army officials and soldiers to join the Maoist cause, but in vain, most remained loyal.

A month later on July 7th, the Gyanendra was crowned the new king of Nepal. The next day the Maoists launched a series of attacks in Western Nepal killing 41 security forces personnel, and capturing hundreds of firearms. Four months later the rebels withdrew from the peace talks. The Maoists are determined to overthrow this new government.

The king, far from popular in his home base of Kathmandu, found it more and more difficult to control the country side, the rebels are attacking not only in the Western Terai but also in the North East regions, and the South on the Indian border. Between November 25th 2001 and December 26th 2002, 495 security personnel were killed, as well as 201 soldiers, 131 political figures, 34 professors, and a few hundred civilians.

On the other side of the battle line, the casualties were heavier, with 4,132 Maoists soldiers and sympathizers killed. Both sides, tired by four years of fighting, agree for another round of peace talks. A new treaty is signed on January 29th 2003, and the Maoists gain precious time to reorganize their fighting force, which had taken heavy casualties. After four months of negotiations, the Maoists withdraw again from the talks and launch another offensive, which continues to this date.

Again, the Maoists were given enough time to expand, and then consolidate their stronghold in Western Terai. The Maoist land has become in less than 10 years a country within a country, with its laws, army and political leaders. They have been so successful; in fact that 90% of the population in the region is pro-Maoists, effectively cutting out most governmental influence.

The population is organized in a Marxist fashion, with the political branch or CPN making distinctions between farmers, militias, soldiers (PLA), and the political branch. Each has a specific job contributing to the war efforts. The militias are drawn from younger Nepalese aging between 15 and 18 years of age, often young boys and girls who have no father figure, and therefore easily influenced to join the Maoists troops. Indeed, the region has been emptied by a steady flow of young men leaving for India to find work, leaving their families to fend for themselves. The Maoists have been quick to see this new trend of human activity within their province.

With their grip on the countryside, the Maoists effectively control more terrain than the government, who only has been able to assert its power in the big cities and the Kathmandu valley. The rebels on the other hand have made concerted efforts to draw the countryside to their cause. By January 2003, 68 of the 75 administrative districts were affected by the fighting, putting a heavy strain on the already damaged economy. Neighboring India is also not helping the situation, by selling a lot weapons to the Royal Nepalese army, and purposely not controlling their Northern border effectively. Indian Maoists smuggle large caches of illegal weapons to their political kins in Nepal by buying local border officials. It almost seems that India has an interest in keeping Nepal down economically and therefore destabilizing the region.

The war in Nepal is taking a turn for the worst; both sides have been more efficient in killing each other, tactics have changed and weaponry becomes more ample. With both armies increasing in size and aggressivity, the fighting becomes bitter and casualties are on the rise.

Since the beginning of the war in early 1996, more than 11 thousand people have died, and civilians are the first to suffer from the conflict. No one knows for sure the exact number of death in the civilian population, however it is safe to say that perhaps as much as half are civilian casualties. Often, they find themselves in the middle of fighting, sometimes being forced to help the Maoists in their struggle by supplying them in food, lodging, hiding places and of course troops. Hearing this, Government forces will deploy army intelligence officers who often use force and beatings of the locals to attain information. On one hand, the locals have to help the passing Maoist rebels, but they cannot give away any information to the government soldiers, which would mean death at the hand of the Maoists. They are in an impasse.

How can this war end when both sides are unwilling to negotiate and concede? Nepal is sadly taking a dangerous path. Both sides are becoming effective killing machines, drawing an entire population to their cause, one politically and ideologically, the other socially by proposing money to its new recruits. Hatred already runs deep in some of the Western parts of the Terai, as many Maoists have joined the PLA in response to Government abuses against the local population. It is common to see young militias or PLA fighters join the Maoist forces because Royal soldiers killed their parents. It is revenge. Meanwhile, the war drags on, and may continue for decades. The possibility of a complete split of the population within Nepal would be disastrous, announcing many more years of suffering.